Journal of African American History最新文献_第9页

James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic 詹姆斯·西德伯里，《在美国成为非洲人:早期黑人大西洋的种族与国家》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N4P571

J. Thompson

引用次数: 0

Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928–1952 西蒙·托平，《林肯失去的遗产:共和党和非裔美国人的投票，1928-1952》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-09-22 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587

Walter D. Greason

{"title":"Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928–1952","authors":"Walter D. Greason","doi":"10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587","url":null,"abstract":"Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928-1952. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008. Pp. 320. Cloth $65.00. The leadership of the Republican Party generally resisted civil rights rhetoric and policies after 1968. The roots for this reticence, however, stretched much further back as Simon Topping demonstrates in Lincoln's Lost Legacy. While the Grand Old Party (GOP) abandoned black voting rights after the Reconstruction era and mostly ignored the demands for political accountability that African Americans made before the 1920s, its ambivalence and uncertainty in the face of the Great Migration, Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal agenda, and the reemergence of the black freedom struggle in the 1950s were equally profound. Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover's failure to have the Republican Party take strategic advantage of the large black populations emerging in northern cities in the 1920s continued a legacy of neglect, if not outright hostility, towards black political empowerment in the first half of the 20th century. Topping's analysis begins with the three Republican administrations in the 1920s. Harding and Coolidge's indifference to the economic and political needs of African Americans, especially in the South; the party's unwillingness to distance itself from the Ku Klux Klan during the decade; and Hoover myopia and insularity as African Americans suffered through the worst years of the Great Depression served as the basis for black political alienation. African Americans felt the negative economic consequences of Hoover's laissez faire policies most sharply, and in northern cities their ballots began to shift toward the Democratic Party as early as 1932. The success of New Deal programs in offering relief from unemployment, hunger, and despair reversed the historical trends as Franklin Roosevelt won nearly 70 percent of African American votes in 1936. Topping argues that Hoover's failure in particular introduced an era of profound confusion on race and civil rights issues among Republicans in the 1930s. The Republican candidate in 1936, Alfred Landon, made few overtures to black voters and the censoring of Ralph Bunche's report for the Republican National Committee in 1939 on southern black disfranchisement demonstrated the depths of the divisions within the party on civil rights issues. Wendell Wilkie and Thomas Dewey attempted to resolve the debate in favor of ideas about a broadly inclusive democracy in their campaigns in 1940 and 1944. But their repeated failures to reach out to black voters only provided the mortar for a new coalition between conservative Republicans and southern Dixiecrats that further isolated the few remaining black Republicans by the election of 1952. …","PeriodicalId":253318,"journal":{"name":"Journal of African American History","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123515617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Eric Gardner, ed., Jennie Carter: A Black Journalist of the Early West 埃里克·加德纳主编，《珍妮·卡特:一位早期西部的黑人记者》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P428

J. L. Sumler-Edmond

引用次数: 0

Cedrick May, Evangelism and Resistance in the Black Atlantic, 1760–1835 塞德里克·梅:《黑大西洋的福音主义和抵抗运动，1760-1835》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P422

A. Palmer

引用次数: 0

David M. Lewis-Coleman, Race Against Liberalism: Black Workers and the UAW in Detroit 大卫·m·刘易斯·科尔曼，《反对自由主义的种族:底特律的黑人工人和联合汽车工会》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P435

William P. Jones

引用次数: 1

Beverly Lindsay, ed., Ralph Johnson Bunche: Public Intellectual and Nobel Peace Laureate 贝弗利·林赛主编，《拉尔夫·约翰逊·邦奇:公共知识分子和诺贝尔和平奖得主》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P438

L. J. Wright

引用次数: 1

Margaret Wade-Lewis, Lorenzo Dow Turner: Father of Gullah Studies 玛格丽特·韦德·刘易斯，洛伦佐·道·特纳:格勒研究之父

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P436

J. Hildebrand

引用次数: 0

Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party 保罗·弗莱默，《黑与蓝:非裔美国人、劳工运动和民主党的衰落》

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/jaahv94n3p446

Simon Topping

{"title":"Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party","authors":"Simon Topping","doi":"10.1086/jaahv94n3p446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/jaahv94n3p446","url":null,"abstract":"Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008. Pp. 202. Cloth $55.00. Paper $24.95. Paul Frymer's Black and Blue is primarily concerned with the labor movement and the quest for racial equality within it, and the impact this quest had on the Democratic Party. He argues that the 1964 Civil Rights Act has dictated the nature of the fight against employment discrimination, rather than the 1935 Wagner Act creating the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) which oversees elections for union representation. A study in American Political Development (APD), Frymer concludes that the courts, rather than the Congress, dictate how racial discrimination issues in the workplace and in unions should be handled, and this development has been to the detriment of the labor movement and the broader Democratic coalition. Thus Frymer believes he is offering us in part a \"biography and autopsy of the Democratic Party.\" Frymer notes that white racism has not only divided the labor movement, but also that it was \"institutionalized\" within it to the extent that racist practices have proven incredibly difficult to exorcise. He asserts that neither civil rights nor labor leaders have been able to articulate effectively how class and race are linked in capitalist America and as a result, unions on the whole have become weaker than ever, a situation exacerbated by internal problems within the Democratic Party. In fact, his central conclusion is that, although designed for very different purposes, the Wagner Act and the 1964 Civil Rights Act \"'institutionalized the labor-race divide\" and the social conflict that this fostered has made other societal problems worse. Moreover, what remains of the New Deal's legacy continues to be challenged by conservatives, and the courts have become \"even more central to the state than ever before.\" The courts required integrated and diversified unions, but in doing so fundamentally weakened them as part of the Democratic or New Deal coalition. The persistence of white working-class racism and blue-collar votes for the Republican Party consistently undermined union gains and weakened pro-labor interests. Corporate capitalists and Republican politicians use race as a way of dividing workers. While Frymer agrees that race remains an important factor in American politics, he suggests that seeing it is an individual and \"irrational\" phenomenon, and categorized as a \"psychological disorder,\" allows white racism to be depoliticized, and as a consequence, it is dismissed or simply understood as a relic of less enlightened times. Frymer argues that white racism is not simply about the flaws of individuals, but is the product of a political system that nominally promotes nondiscrimination, while successful appeals to racist beliefs continue. Yet he is not downhearted: \"Seeing racism as institutionally driven, however, offers greater optimism","PeriodicalId":253318,"journal":{"name":"Journal of African American History","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131506466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

INTRODUCTION: EXPLORING THE LEGACY OF DR. JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN 简介:探索约翰·霍普·富兰克林博士的遗产

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-06-22 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N3P317

V. P. Franklin

{"title":"INTRODUCTION: EXPLORING THE LEGACY OF DR. JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN","authors":"V. P. Franklin","doi":"10.1086/JAAHV94N3P317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHV94N3P317","url":null,"abstract":"\"Hello, it's nice to meet you young man. Have a seat, and make yourself comfortable.\" I had arrived on time for my first meeting with Professor John Hope Franklin whom I had been hoping to study with for years. I had waited for some time to get an appointment, but I was happy that his secretary Margaret Fitzsimmons was able to find me a spot. \"I'm really glad to finally meet you,\" I replied. In the fall of 1972 John Hope Franklin was a \"star\" at the University of Chicago, which boasted a sizable firmament that included economist Milton Freidman, novelist Saul Bellow, and philosopher Edward Shils. I was glad that Professor Franklin was willing to meet with me. I had been accepted into University of Chicago's history department in the fall of 1969 and I was to arrive at the same time as Genna Rae McNeil, but I didn't show up. In her essay, \"A Life of Integrity: A Tribute to Professor John Hope Franklin,\" Dr. McNeil describes her early encounters with John Hope Franklin in Kalamazoo, Michigan, and in that same office at the University of Chicago, but she also provides personal details, highlights significant events, and describes Professor Franklin's lasting influence as her dissertation advisor, scholarly collaborator, personal friend, and someone who modeled a life of academic engagement and public service at the highest level. Dr. McNeil's long and close personal relationship with Dr. Franklin, his wife Aurelia Whittington Franklin, and their children, as well as the many social and political connections, serves as the experiential basis for the beautiful tribute she offers. At that meeting in Professor Franklin's office in 1972, I recall one of the questions he asked me at the outset. \"Well, young man, where are you from?\" I said, \"Philadelphia.\" \"Oh, we don't have any relatives there,\" he replied. Having the same last name as the great John Hope Franklin did not mean that anyone mistook me for him (we all don't really look alike), but many thought I was his son who was just a few years younger. After all, I am a \"Franklin,\" and I am a historian, and we are both of the darker persuasion, but I am not \"the son.\" However, Professor Franklin was in many ways a father-figure and certainly treated me better during those years than my \"natural\" father. And like father, like son, we shared certain experiences. Nell Irvin Painter also had John Hope Franklin in her personal and intellectual life. In her tribute \"Humanity, Scholarship, and Proud Race Citizenship,\" Dr. Painter draws our attention to \"the gifts of John Hope Franklin,\" and describes how they altered the way we think about and teach United States history and \"American\" history. She reminds us, as does Robin D. G. Kelley, that his genius was expansive and we were lucky to have him on our side because \"John Hope Franklin never lost sight of the fundamental character of white supremacy.\" Bettye Collier-Thomas, my partner in plowing various academic fields, knew John Hope Franklin much longer tha","PeriodicalId":253318,"journal":{"name":"Journal of African American History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125826092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Judith Kilpatrick, There When We Needed Him: Wiley Austin Branton, Civil Rights Warrior 朱迪思·基尔帕特里克，《当我们需要他的时候》;威利·奥斯汀·布兰顿，民权斗士

Journal of African American History Pub Date : 2009-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/JAAHV94N2P304

Scott C. Smith

引用次数: 0