Firearms and Lynching

M. Makowsky, Patrick L. Warren
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Abstract

We assess firearms as a means of Black residents’ self-defense in the Jim Crow South. We infer access to firearms by race and place by measuring the fraction of suicides committed with a firearm. Corroborating anecdotal accounts and historical claims, state bans on pistols and increases in White law enforcement personnel served as mechanisms to disarm the Black community, while having no comparable effect on White residents’ firearm access. The interaction of these mechanisms with changing national market prices for firearms provides a credible identification strategy for Black residents’ firearm access. Rates of Black residents’ lynching decreased with their greater access to firearms. I had already determined to sell my life as dearly as possible if attacked. I felt if I could take one lyncher with me, this would even up the score a little bit. (Wells 1970, p. 62) I had already determined to sell my life as dearly as possible if attacked. I felt if I could take one lyncher with me, this would even up the score a little bit. (Wells 1970, p. 62)
枪支和私刑
我们评估枪支作为黑人居民在南方实行种族隔离的一种自卫手段。我们通过测量使用枪支自杀的比例来推断种族和地区的枪支获取情况。根据坊间传闻和历史说法,各州禁止使用手枪和增加白人执法人员,起到了解除黑人社区武装的作用,但对白人居民获得枪支却没有类似的效果。这些机制与不断变化的全国枪支市场价格的相互作用为黑人居民获得枪支提供了可靠的识别策略。黑人居民的私刑率随着他们获得枪支的机会增加而下降。我已经下定决心,如果受到攻击,我要尽可能牺牲自己的生命。我觉得如果我能带上一个私刑犯,就能把比分扳平一点。(威尔斯,1970年,第62页)我已经下定决心,如果受到攻击,我要尽可能昂贵地出卖自己的生命。我觉得如果我能带上一个私刑犯,就能把比分扳平一点。(威尔斯,1970,第62页)
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