Towards a complete Logical Phonology model of intrasegmental changes

Abstract

All changes to the internal structure of phonological segments arise from combinations of rules based on two set-theoretic operations: feature deletion by set subtraction and feature insertion by unification. Apparent cases of rules targeting underspecified segments reflect two kinds of vacuous rule application, one due to unification failure and the other due to vacuous unification. Despite this reduction of all segment-internal changes to two basic mechanisms we can account for a wide variety of patterns, including the reciprocal neutralization and apparent exceptional behavior seen in Hungarian voicing assimilation.