The Derived Intransitive in Formosan and Its Implications for the Nature of Proto-Austronesian Actor Voice

Pub Date : 2021-02-16 DOI:10.1353/OL.2020.0006
Victoria Chen
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Abstract:Many Philippine-type Austronesian languages spoken in Taiwan possess an understudied agentless construction formed with a mu-marked bivalent verb. This construction raises theoretical issues because bivalent verbs otherwise require an overt agent, no matter the voice type of a predicate. In this paper I demonstrate that the prefix sequence mu- consists of an Actor Voice (AV) affix m- and an agent/cause-eliminating valency-decreasing affix u-, which is likely to derive from a homophonous motion prefix prior to the split of Proto-Austronesian. The detransitivizer u-'s compatibility with AV-marked bivalent verbs in languages under seven different Austronesian primary branches, I argue, presents novel evidence against the antipassive view of prototypical AV constructions and lends new support to a transitive analysis, as derived intransitives such as antipassives are cross-linguistically incompatible with valency-decreasing operations. I argue accordingly that the ergative approach to prototypical Philippine-type languages is difficult to maintain.
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台湾派生不及物语及其对原南岛语声性质的启示
摘要:台湾的许多菲律宾式南岛语都有一个由双价动词构成的无主体结构,这一结构尚未得到充分研究。这种结构提出了理论问题,因为无论谓词的语态类型如何,二价动词都需要一个显性代理。在本文中,我证明了前缀序列mu-由一个Actor Voice (AV)词缀m-和一个消除代理/原因的降价词缀u-组成,这可能源于原始南岛语分裂之前的同音运动前缀。我认为,在七种不同的南岛语主要分支语言中,反及物量词u-与带有AV标记的二价动词的相容性提供了反对原型AV结构的反被动观点的新证据,并为及物分析提供了新的支持,因为衍生的不及物如反被动语态与降价操作在跨语言上不相容。因此,我认为对典型菲律宾式语言的否定态度很难维持下去。
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