Populism and Identity Politics

A. Velasco
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

Over one-third of humanity lives under populist regimes—and many of those regimes are turning increasingly authoritarian. It is a worldwide challenge to liberal democracy. The conventional wisdom is that bad economics is to blame: the losers from globalization are angry and voting populists into office is their revenge. The policy implication is a kind of technocratic fantasy: fix the economy and populism will fade away. That view has weak empirical foundations, since many emerging countries that are clear winners from globalization have recently elected populists. In this essay I argue that we cannot understand the surge in populism without understanding the rise of identity politics around the world. Identity is the intermediate stopover in the two-way feedback between economics and politics. A focus on identity politics has important practical implications. One of them is that, to succeed in the fight against populism, democratic politicians have to learn to practice identity politics, but of the right kind. The challenge is to build national identities based not on nativism or xenophobia, but on liberal democratic values.
民粹主义与身份政治
超过三分之一的人类生活在民粹主义政权之下,其中许多政权正变得越来越专制。这是对自由民主的全球性挑战。传统观点认为,糟糕的经济状况是罪魁祸首:全球化的失败者很愤怒,投票让民粹主义者上台是他们的报复。政策的含义是一种技术官僚的幻想:修复经济,民粹主义就会消失。这种观点的经验基础薄弱,因为许多显然是全球化赢家的新兴国家最近都选出了民粹主义者。在这篇文章中,我认为,如果不了解世界各地身份政治的兴起,我们就无法理解民粹主义的激增。身份是经济学和政治之间双向反馈的中间停留点。关注身份政治具有重要的现实意义。其中之一是,要想在反对民粹主义的斗争中取得成功,民主政治家必须学会实践身份政治,但这是正确的。挑战在于建立不是基于本土主义或仇外心理,而是基于自由民主价值观的国家身份。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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