The Conditions of Isolationism

A. Campbell
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Recent work on American foreign policy between the two world wars has shown some dissatisfaction with the term “isolationism” as a tool for the historian. The immediate reasons for this dissatisfaction are two. First, it is remarkably difficult to identify an individual statesman firmly as an isolationist or an interventionist. Lodge, Hughes, Kellogg, Hoover, Stimson, Roosevelt, Hull – the list could be extended – all move embarrassingly from positions which can be called isolationist to others which seem to strain the term past recognition; nor are these shifts in one direction only. Second, a specific policy which can be identified as isolationist is often justified by remarkably various arguments, so that support for the policy makes some curious allies, while dividing men from others with whom they seem, in general, to have far more in common. If the term can be used neither to identify a man throughout his career, nor to identify a group of attitudes, a cast of political mind, its usefulness is certainly diminished
孤立主义的条件
最近关于两次世界大战之间美国外交政策的研究表明,人们对“孤立主义”这个词作为历史学家的工具有些不满。造成这种不满的直接原因有两个。首先,很难确定一个政治家是孤立主义者还是干预主义者。洛奇、休斯、凯洛格、胡佛、史汀生、罗斯福、赫尔——这个名单还可以延长——他们都尴尬地从可以被称为孤立主义者的立场转向了其他似乎使孤立主义一词变得难以辨认的立场;这些转变并非只朝着一个方向。其次,一项可以被认定为孤立主义的具体政策,往往会有各种各样的理由来证明其合理性,因此,对该政策的支持使一些人成为奇怪的盟友,同时将一些人与通常看起来有更多共同点的人分开。如果这个词既不能用来确定一个人的整个职业生涯,也不能用来确定一组态度,一群政治思想,它的用处肯定会减弱
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