Incorrigibly Plural

Andrew Rudalevige
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The concluding chapter summarizes the overall findings and pushes them toward related topics in sore need of additional study. It examines what happens before an executive order is issued, but we know little about what happens afterward. The conclusion is also a chance to explore the question of bureaucratic capacity and autonomy as it runs up against presidential desires to control that bureaucracy — a claim bolstered by electoral legitimacy. Presidential hostility to the permanent government is hardly new, of course. But the Trump administration's amplification of that contention — with frequent, personal attacks on agencies and even individual civil servants on the one hand, and “resistance” to presidential preferences on the other — raised its salience, and its stakes. The argument of this book rests in part on the value presidents derive — substantively but also politically — from astute management of a bureaucracy that can provide expert advice on solving pressing national problems. Undermining its ability to do so is therefore counterproductive.
根深蒂固地复数
最后一章总结了总体研究结果,并将其推向需要进一步研究的相关主题。它研究了行政命令发布之前发生的事情,但我们对行政命令发布之后发生的事情知之甚少。结论也是一个探索官僚能力和自治问题的机会,因为它与总统控制官僚机构的愿望背道而驰——这一主张得到了选举合法性的支持。当然,总统对永久政府的敌意并不是什么新鲜事。但特朗普政府对这一争论的放大——一方面频繁地对各机构甚至个别公务员进行人身攻击,另一方面“抵制”总统的偏好——提高了它的重要性和利害关系。这本书的论点部分基于总统从对官僚机构的精明管理中获得的价值——在实质上也是在政治上——这种管理可以为解决紧迫的国家问题提供专家建议。因此,削弱其这样做的能力只会适得其反。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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