Opportunity, ideology, and Salafi pathways of political activism in Tunisia

T. Blanc
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

ABSTRACT The Arab Revolutions have multiplied the pathways of activism available to Salafi groups notably in the newly democratised Tunisia. Based on an opportunity-inclusion approach, the literature has not successfully explained this diversification of pathways due to a focalisation on structural opportunities. This approach is unable to account for the variation in pathways taken by different groups facing the same structural opportunities for inclusion. In the light of this limitation, I argue that pre-revolutionary starting points and ideological legacies largely determined groups’ perception of the revolutionary ‘opportunity’ as well as the choice of political activism pathways. Based on secondary literature and interview and social media data, I show that groups that were open to political participation before the revolution (Jabhah Islamiyya) chose to participate, while groups that rejected it (Ansar al-Shariʿa) maintained their rejection, and formerly quietist sheikhs chose to participate 8 years after the revolution while maintaining certain ideological red lines (sheikhs in the coalition Itilaf al-Karama). On this basis, the article proposes to reassess the relationship between ideology and strategy as complementary rather than exclusionary components of an agency by demonstrating how ideological legacies predispose actors to certain strategic choices through the delineation of legitimate and illegitimate paths of activism.
突尼斯的机会、意识形态和萨拉菲派政治活动之路
阿拉伯革命增加了萨拉菲派的行动途径,尤其是在刚刚民主化的突尼斯。基于机会包容的方法,文献没有成功地解释由于聚焦于结构性机会而导致的途径多样化。这种方法无法解释面临相同结构纳入机会的不同群体所采取的途径的差异。鉴于这种限制,我认为革命前的起点和意识形态遗产在很大程度上决定了群体对革命“机会”的看法以及政治行动主义途径的选择。根据二手文献、访谈和社交媒体数据,我发现在革命前对政治参与持开放态度的团体(Jabhah Islamiyya)选择了参与,而拒绝参与的团体(Ansar al-Shari - a)则继续拒绝参与,而以前安静主义的酋长们在革命8年后选择参与,同时保持一定的意识形态红线(联盟中的酋长们)。在此基础上,本文建议重新评估意识形态与战略之间的关系,通过展示意识形态遗产如何通过描绘合法和非法的行动主义路径,使行为者倾向于某些战略选择,从而将意识形态与战略作为一个机构的互补而非排斥组成部分。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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