How and Why the Populist Radical Right Persuades Citizens

Elisabeth Ivarsflaten, Scott Blinder, Lise Bjånesøy
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引用次数: 11

Abstract

The “populist radical right” is a contested concept in scholarly work for good reason. This chapter begins by explaining that the political parties usually grouped together under this label are not a party family in a conventional sense and do not self-identify with this category. It goes on to show how political science scholarship has established that in Europe during the past thirty or so years we have seen the rise of a set of parties that share a common ideological feature—nativism. The nativist political parties experiencing most electoral support have combined their nativist agenda with some other legitimate ideological companion, which provides deniability—a shield against charges that the nativist agenda makes the parties and their supporters right-wing extremist and undemocratic. The chapter goes on to explain that in order to make progress on our understanding of how and why the populist radical right persuades citizens, we need to recognize: first, that nativism is the only necessary ingredient without which the populist radical right loses its force; and second, that nativism in contemporary established democracies has tended not to persuade a large share of voters without an ideological companion.
民粹主义激进右翼如何以及为何说服公民
“民粹主义激进右翼”在学术工作中是一个有争议的概念,这是有充分理由的。本章首先解释,通常在这一标签下组合在一起的政党不是传统意义上的政党家族,也不自我认同于这一类别。它继续展示了政治科学学术是如何确立的,在过去30年左右的时间里,在欧洲,我们看到了一系列政党的兴起,这些政党有一个共同的意识形态特征——本土主义。获得多数选举支持的本土主义政党将其本土主义议程与其他一些合法的意识形态伴侣结合在一起,这提供了一种推诿——一种盾牌,可以抵御本土主义议程使政党及其支持者成为右翼极端分子和不民主的指责。本章继续解释,为了在理解民粹主义激进右翼如何以及为何说服公民方面取得进展,我们需要认识到:首先,本土主义是民粹主义激进右翼失去力量的唯一必要因素;其次,当代成熟民主国家的本土主义往往无法在没有意识形态陪伴的情况下说服大部分选民。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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